|
|
|
The Real Matrix Part 7
By Steven Yates
| |
With this
issue, we conclude this very exciting and informative
series of articles, The Real Matrix, written by
Dr. Steven Yates. Make your plans now to hear Dr. Yates
in person as he opens the 6th Annual
Freedom 21 Conference in Reno, NV, July
14 - 16, 2005.
Part 7
Let me begin summing all this up, with an important
clarification. Have I been arguing that there is One
Grand Conspiracy that is bringing about a New World
Order? Yes and No. Yes, Virginia, there is a
super-elite. No, however, because this super-elite is
not always unified, is not omnipotent, and cannot
control everything. Doubtless, there have been the same
divisions, in-house squabbles and political infighting
such as is bound to occur in any group made up of human
beings.
The super-elite has had setbacks, such as the
torpedoing of the League of Nations. What its members
fear most is the kind of exposure that would create a
critical mass of educated, independent-thinking voters
who will put a stop to globalism when they see its
ghastly price tag: the end of U.S. sovereignty, and of
government that must at least pay lip service to the
Constitution.
What has been done—much of it through
the government school system—is the creation of a
cultural consensus, especially about the political,
corporate, and financial system of the country. This
consensus does not ask questions, and sets out to
prevent others from asking them.
The super-elite had a close call, when Carroll
Quigley's Tragedy and Hope was published, simply
because of Quigley's obvious credibility. It is possible
that it experienced another close call with the George
Wallace movement in the late 1960s and early 1970s.
Maurice Bessinger, author (of the book Defending My
Heritage), barbecue entrepreneur and political
activist based in Columbia, SC reports how he knew
Wallace personally, and worked closely with him to
coordinate several of his campaigns in South Carolina.
Wallace was both tough (he had boxed professionally
while in college) and courageous. Although Wallace
didn't discuss the matter publicly, Bessinger reports
that he knew what the globalists were up to, and had
every intention, if elected to high office, of stopping
them. But in 1972, in Bessinger's words, "they shot him
down like a dog."
Wallace, victim of an assassination attempt by a man
who had been shadowing him for weeks, survived, but the
attack left him paralyzed from the waist down, and in
constant severe pain. This ended his candidacy, and,
eventually, his political career. Was the man who shot
him, Arthur Bremmer, working for the super-elite? We
don't really know, of course. Bessinger thinks so;
Bremmer denied having any other motivation than a desire
for fame. Wallace had the largest following of any
independent politician, however; especially in the
South, where regional loyalties run strong and where
resistance to globalism is in evidence. Running as a
Democrat in 1972, Wallace had been leading George
McGovern, who finally received his party's nomination
that year to run against Nixon (he lost in a landslide).
George Wallace's violent subtraction from the picture
was, if not the work of the super-elite, an example of
an amazing coincidence!
The third and most recent close call might have come
indirectly, with Ross Perot's populist campaign in 1992.
Perot did not talk about super-elites either, but he
did talk about the harm trade agreements, such as
NAFTA, would do to the U.S. economy, and he warned about
the irrational fiscal policies being pursued in
Washington. He received 19 percent of the popular
vote—almost 20 million votes. Since 1992, the cost of
running a credible campaign has skyrocketed. Today, only
extremely wealthy and well-connected Demopublicans have
a chance at being elected to the highest office in the
land. Commentator Patrick J. Buchanan ran a Reform Party
campaign in 2000, based on both social and cultural
conservatism, and economic populism, but failed to break
through, as Perot had.
The consensus, reinforced daily in
newspapers and on television news broadcasts—as well as
in classrooms all across the country, and at school
board meetings, and at Chamber of Commerce
meetings—constitutes the "real matrix," enslaving people
without their even being aware of it.
So there is a super-elite, and it has itself pretty
well insulated on the political front, but still, how
much control does it actually wield? I am not
asserting—as some skeptics will doubtless accuse me of
doing—that One Grand Conspiracy is responsible for
everything from Bush's re-election, to the impossibility
of telephoning a business and speaking to a human being.
What has been done—much of it through the government
school system—is the creation of a cultural consensus,
especially about the political, corporate, and financial
system of the country. This consensus does not ask
questions, and sets out to prevent others from asking
them. The term is group-think, naming a process
which rewards those who think alike, and weeds out those
who think differently.
Much so-called education in government schools
involves immersion in group-think. Those so immersed,
when they become adults (assuming they even follow
current events), speak of "democracy," of how
"capitalism" won out over "socialism," or how "they hate
us because we are free." They have been trained mentally
to ignore the vast similarities between the two dominant
political parties, skyrocketing debts, both public and
private, as well as the rapidly widening gulf between
the extremely rich (members of the "Davos culture," one
might call it), and those being harmed by their economic
policies. They might even become convinced that waging a
war of aggression against a country with a fundamentally
different culture from ours, that posed no genuine
substantive threat to us (Iraq), is the right way to
reduce the threat of another lethal terrorist attack on
U.S. soil!
The consensus, reinforced daily in newspapers and on
television news broadcasts—as well as in classrooms all
across the country, and at school board meetings, and at
Chamber of Commerce meetings—constitutes the "real
matrix," enslaving people without their even being aware
of it. The point of consensus is to have as few real
controls as possible, because the "sheeple" willingly
accept de facto slavery as normal. In this
environment, most people don't need to be told what to
do or how to act. Gatekeepers are firmly in place,
however. The person with the wrong politics, or the
wrong attitude toward government, or toward "public
schools," is not going to be appointed, say, to the
editorial board of the local newspaper. The person with
the wrong views about sex and morality, or about
homosexuality, will be refused work at state agencies
whose business is dealing with public health issues. The
person with the wrong views about "diversity" or about
educating "global citizens" will be refused employment
in education. And so on. This does not mean that those
doing the hiring are answering directly to the CFR. They
may be among the millions who have never so much as
heard of the CFR. Their education and training has
ensured that they will "follow the rules" without
supervision, as we said above. They are fully plugged
into the "real matrix." If presented with arguments such
as the one here, they will take the blue pill, and
waking up in their beds the next day, laugh the whole
thing off.
That is the choice I leave to my readers, who might
find the "desert of the real" as presented here, not
just unpalatable, but literally unbelievable. No one can
be forced to believe something against his will, no
matter how great the evidence. So to paraphrase
Morpheus, after having read all this—assuming you've
read this far—you have the same choice Neo was given in
The Matrix. You may take the blue pill: tuning
this out, and returning to your academic specialty, or
your sports, or your business. You will wake up in your
bed, tomorrow, believing what you want to believe.
Some have taken the blue pill. Rush Limbaugh
pooh-poohed the whole thing, commenting sarcastically
back in 1995:
You see, if you amount to anything in
Washington these days, it is because you have
been plucked or handpicked from an Ivy league
school - Harvard, Yale, Kennedy school of
government—you've shown an aptitude to be a good
Ivy league type, and so you're plucked, so to
speak, and you are assigned success. You are
assigned a certain role in government somewhere,
and then your success is monitored and tracked,
and you go where the pluckers and the
handpickers can put you.
And Ira Strauss, writing in the Christian Science
Monitor, contended back in 1996 that:
Conspiracy theory is doing America real harm.
Long incubating underground, it has grown into
the greatest enslaver of human minds since
communism. It irrationalizes thinking on every
issue. It kills. It turns millions of Americans
against their own country. It undermines foreign
policy, by vilifying our government's every
effort.
Take that! But Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who like
Carroll Quigley, was in a position to know, commented
that "in politics, nothing happens by accident. If it
happens, you can bet it was planned that way."
And Woodrow Wilson before him, observed ominously:
Some of the biggest men in the United States,
in the field of commerce and manufacture, are
afraid of somebody, are afraid of something.
They know there is a power somewhere, so
organized, so subtle, so watchful, so
interlocked, so complete, so pervasive, that
they had better not speak above their breath,
when they speak in condemnation of it.
And U.S. Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter said
in 1952, "The real rulers in Washington are invisible,
and exercise power from behind the scenes."
So you may take the blue pill, listening to popular
commentators, and ignoring the reports of scholars such
as Carroll Quigley, or the warnings of numerous figures
who have risen to prominence in our government.
Or you may take the red pill, and investigate
this Wonderland, or more exactly, this "desert of the
real." Everything I've said here can be checked, by
tracking down and reading the works I have cited, or by
going to the perpetrators' own websites (Agenda 21
is an example).
You'll find out how deep the rabbit-hole goes. It
might not be easy. But as Morpheus tells Neo in another
of those pivotal moments in The Matrix:
"I didn't say it would be easy, Neo. I just
said it would be the truth."
Steven Yates is an independent scholar
who earned his Ph.D. in philosophy in 1987. He is the
author of "Civil Wrongs: What Went Wrong With
Affirmative Action" (San Francisco: ICS Press, 1994),
"Worldviews: Christian Theism versus Modern Materialism"
(Columbia, SC: Worldviews Project, due out in early
2005); and a co-author of "The Free Person and the Free
Market" (Lanham, Md.: Lexington Books, 2002).
He is also an adjunct scholar with the Ludwig von
Mises Institute. He has also worked as a clerk in a
state agency, written obituaries for the local
newspaper, earned a public health degree from the
University of South Carolina (1999), done a stint as the
writer, editor, and consultant for the South Carolina
Cancer Research Network writing the organization's
"Cancer Research Needs Report" (2004), and worked as a
customer service representative doing computer technical
support.
He has other projects underway, including a science
fiction novel. Most recently, he joined the Stratia
Corporation as a consultant, and formed the Worldviews
Project, to further public discussion of the issues
between the Christian worldview, and that of modern
materialism. He lives in Columbia, South Carolina. |
|